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Recount calls add to Iraq's political tension
Associated Press | World | Headlines 22 03 2010 BAGHDAD (AP) -- Iraq's president on Sunday demanded a recount in this month's historic parliamentary elections, intensifying the political conflict over the not-yet-completed tally and increasing the chances that the vote will be a long, chaotic test of the nascent democracy....
Senior expert in Parliamentary Reform
ReliefWeb Vacancies 22 03 2010 Source: The Bureau for Institutional Reform and Democracy
Org type(s): Other
Closing date: 23 Mar 2010
Location: Turkmenistan
Sector(s): Protection / Human Rights / Rule of Law
Senior expert in human rights and democratisation
ReliefWeb Vacancies 22 03 2010 Source: The Bureau for Institutional Reform and Democracy
Org type(s): Other
Closing date: 29 Mar 2010
Location: Montenegro
Sector(s): Protection / Human Rights / Rule of Law
Girija Koirala obituary
The Guardian | World news 22 03 2010

Leading statesman and architect of democracy in Nepal Girija Koirala, who has died aged 85 of a chest infection, played a dominant role in Nepalese politics from 1990 up to the installation of a Maoist-led government in April 2008, serving five times as prime minister. Politically active since the late 1940s, he was the youngest of three brothers to hold that office, and the last significant survivor of the generation of political activists who, in 1950, brought down the shogunate – with the Rana family in control of the power of the monarchy as hereditary regents – and began the country's first experiment with parliamentary democracy. Though Koirala was a centrist, he went on to become a champion of the peace process that saw the abolition of the monarchy and brought the Maoists into electoral politics after a civil war in which more than 13,000 people died. At the time of his death, he was still trying to secure a new constitution. He was born in the north Indian state of Bihar, where his father, Krishna Prasad Koirala, a hill Brahman who had angered Maharaja Chandra Shamsher Rana, was in exile. Though the family was permitted to return to Nepal after Chandra's death in 1929, Koirala was privately educated in India, and as a teenager, he followed his father and elder brothers Matrika and Bisheshwar ("BP") into both the Indian nationalist movement and the struggle against the Ranas in Nepal. In March 1947, he was an organiser of a strike in a jute mill at the border town of Biratnagar, and he was one of the leaders of the column that captured the town when the India-based Nepali Congress party launched its armed movement in November 1950. After a settlement brokered by India at the beginning of 1951 transferred power from the Rana family to King Tribhuvan, Koirala worked in the Congress party organisation as head of the youth wing and joined the party's central working committee in July 1958. Like his brother BP, who had led the Congress government elected in 1959, he was imprisoned after Tribhuvan's son, Mahendra, abolished the parliamentary system in 1960 and replaced it with palace-dominated "Panchayat democracy". In Mahendra's model, panchayats (traditional councils) were directly elected, sometimes on just a show of hands, at the lowest level, and the members at each level would elect the members of the next level up. Released in January 1968, Girija joined his brother in self-imposed exile in India in 1971, returning to Nepal in December 1976. By early 1978, he was describing himself as general secretary of the party, probably after nomination to the post by BP, although he later claimed to have been elected in 1976. He campaigned for a return to multiparty democracy in the 1980 referendum that narrowly endorsed the panchayat system. With his senior colleagues Ganeshman Singh and Krishna Prasad Bhattarai, the acting party president, Koirala was a member of the troika to whom BP entrusted the party shortly before his death in 1983. Generally more conservative than the other two, Girija was initially hesitant about the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy launched by Congress in spring 1990. However, the success of the street protests led to his appointment as prime minister in May 1991, when Congress won an overall victory in the election but interim prime minister Bhattarai failed to win in his own constituency. Koirala became the focus of protests by leftists and was soon at odds with both Bhattarai and Singh; internal party conflict centred mainly on patronage for ministerial appointments, though Koirala was felt by some to be moving too far from the socialist ideology of BP. In July 1994, he called mid-term polls, but he backed away from a showdown and agreed with Bhattarai that both factions should contest the election together. Congress nevertheless lost and the Unified Marxist-Leninists (UML), previously the main opposition, formed a minority government. After helping engineer the fall of the UML government in September 1995, Koirala allowed his junior colleague Sher Bahadur Deuba to head a Congress-led coalition, while he succeeded Bhattarai as party president in May 1996. Deuba's administration, which witnessed the beginning of the Maoist insurgency, fell in March 1997 and was followed by two other unstable coalitions. Koirala regained the premiership in April 1998, first at the head of a Congress minority government and then in coalitions with the left. In the campaign for the May 1999 election, Koirala secured party unity by endorsing Bhattarai as candidate for prime minister, but in March 2000 made use of his personal support among Congress MPs to supplant him. He cited as justification Bhattarai's failure to contain the Maoist insurgency, but he had no more success himself. From February 2001 onwards, Koirala was the target of opposition disruption in parliament and protests over corruption. Early in June this was overshadowed by Crown Prince Dipendra's gunning down of King Birendra and eight other members of his family before his own apparent suicide. In July, when the army refused to follow his order to intervene and release 69 policemen abducted by the Maoists, Koirala resigned and was succeeded by Deuba, who began negotiations with the rebels. After the Maoists pulled out of talks and attacked the army in November 2001, Koirala backed Deuba's handling of the crisis. However, in April 2002, it was reported that he secretly met the Maoist leader Pushpa Kumar Dahal in New Delhi. That summer the party's central committee, with a majority of Koirala's supporters, instructed Deuba not to renew the state of emergency. Deuba responded in May 2002 by requesting a dissolution and set up his own breakaway party. In October 2002, when Deuba sought the postponement of the elections, King Gyanendra dismissed him, and then appointed three governments on his own. In February 2005, the king took control of the administration. Koirala was put under arrest, but was released in April and, in collaboration with leaders of other parties, reached an understanding with the Maoists in Delhi in November 2005. Joint protests in April 2006 forced the king to reinstate the dissolved 1999 parliament, and Koirala became prime minister again, leading a coalition which the Maoists joined in April 2007. Once the interim constitution was adopted in January 2007, Koirala began exercising the functions of head of state and later that year accepted a Maoist demand that Nepal be declared a republic, with only implementation of the decision left to the constituent assembly. He probably delayed preparations for constituent assembly elections, originally scheduled for June 2007, hoping that support for the Maoists would ebb. There was a further delay because of demands by regional activists, and the challenge presented by the emergence of the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF) at the head of a powerful regional movement in the eastern part of the Tarai plains. Koirala, whose health had long been a problem, did not stand in the elections, which were finally held in April 2008 and which saw many of his relatives defeated in their stronghold in the eastern Tarai, while the Maoists became the largest party in the assembly. Koirala had wanted to become first president of the new republic, but this was opposed by the Maoists. In mid-August he was replaced as premier by former rebel leader Pushpa Kumar Dahal, at the head of a Maoist-UML-MJF coalition. Following Dahal's resignation in May 2009, Koirala, who remained Congress party president, was involved in negotiations for the formation of a new UML-led coalition. Despite his poor health and delegation of day-to-day party administration to a nephew, he remained active almost to the end, failing to prevent a dilution of the powers of the party leader, but also meeting frequently with the Maoist leader. Koirala and Dahal both became members of the "high-level political mechanism" formed last January to try to resolve the continuing crisis over constitutional and security issues: the interim constitution of 2007 was due to be replaced by a permanent constitution this May. Koirala's wife, Sushma, predeceased him. He is survived by his daughter Sujata, who served as minister without portfolio in his cabinet in 2008 and is foreign minister and deputy prime minister in the current coalition government, and by his son Suresh. • Girija Prasad Koirala, politician, born 20 February 1925; died 20 March 2010


guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds


'I am 88 – but I am also 24'
The Guardian | Book reviews 21 03 2010

'I'm not turning into Kingsley. I'm already Kingsley' The following correction was printed in the Guardian's Corrections and clarifications column, Tuesday 16 February 2010 "In truth this is easily the most unusual thing about me," wrote Martin Amis in the column below: "I am the only hereditary novelist in the anglophone literary corpus." A reader points to at least one other, Anthony Trollope, following from his mother Frances.


I was born in Clapham in 1922. My literary career kicked off in 1956 when, as a resident of Swansea, South Wales, I published my first novel, Lucky Jim. This was followed by That Uncertain Feeling and Take a Girl Like You, among others; but my really productive period began in 1973, when I published both The Riverside Villas Murder and The Rachel Papers. 1978 saw the appearance of Jake's Thing and Success; in 1984 it was Stanley and the Women and Money; in 1991 it was The Russian Girl and Time's Arrow. This last was shortlisted for the Booker prize; but I had already been a winner with The Old Devils in 1986. I am, incidentally, the only writer to have received the Somerset Maugham award twice – the first time for my first first novel, the second time for my second first novel. That period, alas, came to an end in 1995. Since then, though, I have been far from sluggardly. This year, for instance, at the age of 88, I publish my 37th work of fiction, The Pregnant Widow, and next year will see another novel, State of England – my 67th book, which nicely sets the scene for my 90th birthday. I have written five volumes' worth of journalism; I have taught at Princeton, Cambridge and Manchester. May I quote Anthony ­Burgess? "Wedged as we are between two eternities of idleness, there is no excuse for being idle now." I have been married four times (two of my wives are novelists), and I have eight children and seven grandchildren – so far. Oh, and I almost forgot to mention my Collected Poems (1979). ❦ The creature described above is of course imaginary. But such a phantasm, such a monster of longevity and industriousness, seems to exist in the minds, or in the anxiety dreams, of a tiny stratum: British – no, English – feature-writers who occasionally address themselves to literary affairs. Incidentally, this is what they're groping to express when they say I'm "turning into Kingsley". They should relax: I'm already Kingsley. In truth, this is easily the most unusual thing about me: I am the only hereditary novelist in the ­anglophone literary corpus. Thus I am the workaholic and hypermanic, and by now very elderly, Prince Charles of English letters. I have overstayed my welcome. I have been about the place for much too long. About 90% of the coverage has passed me by, but some new tendencies are clear enough. What's different, this time round, is that the writer, or this writer, gets blamed for all the slanders he incites in the press. Some quite serious commentators (DJ Taylor, for one) have said that I'm controversial-on-purpose whenever I have a book coming out. Haven't they noticed that the papers pick up on my remarks whether I have a book coming out or not? And how can you be ­controversial- on-purpose without ceasing to care what you say? The Telegraph, on its front page, offers the following: "Martin Amis: 'Women have too much power for their own good'." This is the equivalent of "Rowan Williams: 'Christianity is a vulgar fraud'." I suppose the Telegraph was trying to make me sound "provocative". Well, they messed that up too. I don't sound ­provocative. I sound like a much-feared pub bore in Hove. And yet experienced journalists will look me in the eye and solemnly ask, "Why do you do it?" They are not asking me why I say things in public (which is an increasingly pertinent question). They are asking me why I deliberately stir up the newspapers. How can they have such a slender understanding of their own trade? Getting taken up (and recklessly distorted) in the newspapers is not something I do. It's something the news- ­ papers do. The only person in England who can manipulate the fourth estate is, appropriately, Katie Price. But there I go again. No, the vow of silence looks more and more attractive. That would be a story too, but it would only be a story once. Wouldn't it? ❦ To return briefly to the longevity theme – and all the stuff about street-corner suicide parlours, and the "silver tsunami" (which is the demogaphers' shorthand for what has been described as "the most profound population shift in history"). The press reacted to my remarks with righteous dismay; but I saw no recent headlines saying "Terry Pratchet is mad", by way of commentary on his resonant statement about euthanasia. In addition, it turns out that 75% of Britons (but none of the political parties) agree with him and agree with me. Thus the euthanasia question, eerily, is the reverse image of capital punishment at the time of its abolition. The people wanted judicial killing, but the government, highmindedly and quite rightly in this case, said no. Of course, Sir Terry's dignified ­remarks were taken from a public ­lecture; mine were a mishmash of half-quotes from a satirical novel. For the interested, the passage reads (I am ­referring to Europe's distorted age structures): "Hoi polloi: the many. And, oh, we will be many (he meant the generation less and less affectionately known as the Baby Boomers). And we will be hated, too. Governance, for at least a generation, he read, will be a matter of transferring wealth from the young to the old. And they won't like that, the young. They won't like the silver tsunami, with the old hogging the social services and stinking up the clinics and the hospitals, like an ­inundation of monstrous immigrants. There will be age wars, and chrono­logical cleansing . . ." Then, too, Sir Terry has Alzheimer's – a condition made yet more tragic by the liveliness of the mind it here afflicts (I am thinking also of Iris Murdoch and Saul Bellow). And Sir Terry is older than me. Or is he? Well, yes and no. I am 88 – but I am also 24. Look at the photographs. A 60-year-old grandfather, I am still the "bad boy" (not even the bad man) of English letters. Who could possibly "manipulate" ­perceptions as chaotic as these?
guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds


Signing of Memorandum of Understanding for the Interparty Organization for Dialogue in Uganda
NIMD | Publications 21 03 2010 February 5, 2010, will go down in the history of Uganda as an important day. For the first time ever, officials from the country’s major political parties sat together amicably under the same roof and agreed to work towards the consolidation of their multiparty democracy.
Girija Prasad Koirala, 86, Former Leader of Nepal, Is Dead
New York Times | International news 21 03 2010 Mr. Koirala was a pivotal figure in establishing Nepal’s fragile democracy who also helped broker an end to the country’s Maoist rebellion.
Official in China Says Western-Style Democracy Won’t Take Root There
New York Times | International news 21 03 2010 Chinese officials often say in public and in the Chinese news media that the country is moving toward democracy.
Iran: Nowruz anniversary highlights democratic deficit
Democracy Digest 21 03 2010 Iranian democracy advocates have welcomed the recent decision by the United States to lift sanctions on online services.“The Islamic Republic is very efficient in limiting people’s access to these sources, and Iranian people need major help,” said Mehdi Yahyanejad, the founder of Balatarin, one of the largest Persian-language social networking sites. “We need some 50 [...]
Democracy events
Democracy Digest 21 03 2010 Monday, March 22 – 12:00 p.m. to 1:00 p.m.  Democracy in Ukraine: Are We There Yet? – , Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Ronald Reagan Building and International Trade Center, One Woodrow Wilson Plaza, 1300 Pennsylvania Ave., NW. – Featuring Nadia Diuk, Senior Director, Europe & Eurasia, National Endowment for Democracy.  Seating for this [...]
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